The deceased US VP Dick Cheney, who passed away at age 84, was seen as arguably the most influential holders of the vice-presidency in the nation's history. Whereas many vice-presidents were limited to peripheral or ceremonial functions, Cheney wielded enormous sway during the presidency of George W Bush, so much so that he was often referred to as the "real president".
Bush objected to such a characterisation and said the relationship was more nuanced. He noted that Cheney was respectful, consistently referring to him in public as Mr President, while he addressed him as Dick. Bush challenged even characterisations of their association as a team because it implied that they were equals. In spite of these objections, Cheney considered the relaxed president malleable on a wide array of policy decisions.
A Period Following the Attacks
At the head of a contingent of conservative hawks that included Pentagon chief Donald Rumsfeld and assistant defense secretary Paul Wolfowitz, he vigorously promoted the invasion of Iraq in 2003 in response to the 9/11 attacks on New York and Washington. When of the 9/11 attack, Bush had been participating in a gathering at a school in Florida. Whereas Bush headed for a secure location in Nebraska, Cheney took charge, directing the downing of any unresponsive planes nearing the Capitol building.
Cheney said the attacks changed him, causing him to be focused on retribution. In conjunction with other conservative figures, including Rumsfeld and Wolfowitz, he advocated for a occupation of Afghanistan in an attempt to capture Osama bin Laden. Cheney then pressed fiercely for the military action of Iraq, though there was no evidence of Saddam Hussein playing a role.
Debated Policies
He showed no remorse about the invasion, in which an estimated 100,000 Iraqis died, and not about the waterboarding of detainees rounded up after 9/11. He informed CNN in 2015 that the Iraq invasion, which was predicated on misleading information circulated by Cheney, was the proper course of action. "It represented the proper decision to do at that time. I had faith then and I believe it now."
However during that period, there were opposing views at a top tier about the mishandling of Iraq. One of the government's own delegates to the Middle East, General Anthony Zinni (2001-03), was not retained from the position. "I observed, as a baseline," he subsequently stated "true dereliction, inaction, and irresponsibility: potentially, falsehoods, unfitness, and graft."
Broader Context
Cheney was not entirely accountable for the Iraq invasion. Before 9/11, Wolfowitz had called for comparable steps. He had drafted a memorandum detailing scenarios in which American interests might be compromised (encompassing "availability of vital raw materials, mostly Persian Gulf oil"). Wolfowitz had contended that "the US should be postured to act independently when collective action cannot be arranged," explicitly referencing military moves against Iraq.
Bush too had arrived in the Oval Office somewhat determined on implementing what his father had specifically avoided to do in 1991; topple Saddam. Subsequent to he had been sacked by the president, the Treasury head Paul O'Neill recounted how, at the first meeting of the National Security Council in January 2001, Bush had announced his plan of reducing America's participation in the Israeli-Palestinian conflict and suggested military action against Iraq.
Bush held a private grievance against Saddam, believing he had been involved in a conspiracy to kill his father, President George HW Bush, on a trip to Kuwait in 1993. He furthermore disliked that one of the biggest establishments in Baghdad had a floor mural with a portrait of his parent's face that all visitors had to step on.
Investigation Approaches
Yet it was Cheney who was part of the most vociferous advocating attacking Iraq, consistently referencing agency briefings that were both thin or completely misleading. He backed what the Bush government politely called as "intensive questioning", the use of waterboarding and torture.
Addressing a Senate report in 2014 that determined that no valuable data had been obtained through the interrogation methods, Cheney disregarded the report as "loaded with crap". He told Fox News: "We asked [the CIA] to establish protocols and put in place initiatives to catch the individuals who murdered 3,000 of us on 9/11 and make sure it was not repeated. That was specifically what they did and they deserve a lot of recognition."
External Perception
Cheney took pleasure in monikers given to him by opponents such as the dark character and the dark figure, and by the concept that he was a shadow power controlling Bush. In the author's 2013 publication about the duo, Days of Fire: Bush and Cheney in the White House, Cheney is reported as stating: "Is it me who is the malevolent mastermind in the shadows that remains unseen leave his domain? It's a nice way to function, truthfully."
Corporate Connections
Controversy over his commercial relationships pursued him throughout his time as second-in-command. While he had little experience in commerce but established relationships in military, notably in Saudi Arabia, he was offered a position at Halliburton, one of the world's largest petroleum companies, in 1995 as chair and top executive.
In 2000 he assumed the role of Bush's election partner for the presidency. Contentiously, during the conflict in Iraq, Halliburton was granted US contracts totaling substantial sums.
It greatly increased his wealth. His annual income during his tenure at the firm rose from his previous salary when he was military head to millions. When he resigned in 2000 he had a compensation package valued at in excess of $20m|twenty
